Saturday, May 4, 2013

The Unholy Alliance of Genesis 6:1-2



Now it came to pass, when men began to multiply on the face of the earth, and daughters were born to them, that the sons of God saw the daughters of men, that they were beautiful; and they took wives for themselves of all whom they chose. Genesis 6:1-2 New King James Version
 In the Genesis class I am currently taking at Liberty University we were assigned three interpretive question.  The interpretive question I selected on the first of the three was on the identity of the “sons of God”.  This is a topic of discussion between different theologians and scholars, and one that generates some sound differences in how one views the Scripture both in part and in whole.
Calvin, in his commentary on Genesis, argues that the world was divided into two parts; the family of Seth and the family of Cain.[1]  As such, Calvin then points out that he believes the “sons of God” in this passage must be the descendants of Seth.  In his perspective, the taking of wives by the descendants of Seth from among the descendants of Cain was a mix of the righteous of God with the unholy or unrighteous.[2]  Calvin further goes on to state that this was a serious offense in the breaking of God’s commands.[3]  For his final point, Calvin argues: “When Scripture speaks about the sons of God, it sometimes refers to eternal election”.[4]
The second source referenced was Barnes Notes on the Old Testament by Albert Barnes, a respected theologian and scholar from the 1800’s.  Although similar in some ways to Calvin’s view of the “sons of God”, Barnes offers some different explanations regarding the severity of these unholy marriages.  Barnes agrees with Calvin that the “sons of God” must refer to the children of Seth.[5]  He supports his viewpoint by offering an understanding first of how Seth served as a replacement of Abel to Eve, and as such was considered the vessel chosen by which the “seed of the woman” would crush the “seed of the serpent".[6]  Barnes argues that the descendants of Seth are called the sons of God because “they have his spirit or disposition";[7] furthermore, he argues that they were “being born of the Spirit, and walking not after the flesh, but after the Spirit.” [8]
In his Paradise to Prison Dr. John Davis takes a look at the three primary explanations of the “sons of God”.  First, he brings up the argument that the “sons of God” referred to angelic beings who took for themselves, wives from men.[9] Davis provides two challenges to this interpretation, but never dismisses the possibility of this interpretation.[10]  The second theory is the one demonstrated by John Calvin and Albert Barnes that the “sons of God” could refer to the descendants of Seth.[11]  He presents some arguments for this point of view, but then also addresses a few challenges to this theory, as well.[12]  Finally, Davis brings up the concept that the “sons of God” were “dynastic rulers in the Cainite line.”[13]  Although Dr. Davis brings up this idea, he dismisses it quickly by providing several significant challenges to this theory.[14] Davis thinks that the most likely identification of the “sons of God” could be either the first or second theories.[15]  Davis acknowledges, “the fact is, the interpretation of Genesis 6:1-4 has not been settled.” [16]
The author of this paper falls in the category of students of Scripture who support that the “sons of God” were angels that left heaven, and settled among men.  It seems the arguments for the Hebrew phrase referring to the bene elim (sons of God) is only used a few times in the entire Old Testament, and almost all of these terms relate to angels, as seen in Job 1:6 and Psalms 29:1.  It is imperative, when looking at Scripture to understand the perspicuity of Scripture, that is the truth that Scripture is self-attesting.  As such, one should not overlook and dismiss passages such as 2 Peter 2:4-5 and Jude 6-7.  The passages just mentioned can be easily defended to show that some angels, which had fallen, were not sent upon the earth, but are locked up for grievous offenses to the laws of God.  The argument presented “angels are neither given or taken in marriage”[17] is related to angels who currently reside in heaven with God which can be supported when looking at the context of the challenge being presented by the Sadducees in Matthew 22.  This is not a hill worthy of dying on in theological discussion, but one in which there can be engagement and well-supported from a biblical basis.




Works Cited
Barnes, Albert. "Genesis 6:1-2." In Barnes' Notes On the Old Testament, page nr. Austin, TX: WORDserach Corp., 2010. WORDserach 10.


Calvin, John. Genesis. 1st. British ed. Edited by Alister McGrath and J.I Packer. Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 2001.


Davis, John J. Paradise to Prison: Studies in Genesis. Carlisle, Cumbria, U.K.: Sheffield Pub Co, 1998.


[1] John Calvin, Genesis, 1st. British ed., ed. Alister McGrath and J.I Packer (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 2001), 67.
[2] Ibid, 67.
[3] John Calvin, Genesis, 1st. British ed., ed. Alister McGrath and J.I Packer (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway, 2001), 67.
[4] Ibid, 67.
[5] Albert Barnes, “Genesis 6:1-2,” in Barnes' Notes On the Old Testament (Austin, TX: WORDserach Corp., 2010), WORDserach 10.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid.
[8] Ibid.
[9] John J. Davis, Paradise to Prison: Studies in Genesis (Carlisle, Cumbria, U.K.: Sheffield Pub Co, 1998), 110.
[10] Ibid, 111
[11] Ibid, 112.
[12] John J. Davis, Paradise to Prison: Studies in Genesis (Carlisle, Cumbria, U.K.: Sheffield Pub Co, 1998), 113.
[13] Ibid, 113.
[14] Ibid, 113.
[15] Ibid, 114.
[16] Ibid, 114.
[17] Albert Barnes, “Genesis 6:1-2,” in Barnes' Notes On the Old Testament (Austin, TX: WORDserach Corp., 2010), WORDserach 10

Sunday, April 28, 2013

A Review of Cast of Stones



            A great frustration of many in the realm of Christian fiction is the lack of imagination or uniqueness.  This may sound like a slightly exaggerated claim, but there is often a limit of Christian fiction that is not geared towards Amish romance, Old west romance, or murder and drama.  None of these are a bad genre, or ones that should be dismissed or ignored, but these limit the appeal of Christian fiction.  It is for this reason I was very excited when Bethany House announced the release of a new book by Patrick W. Carr A Cast of Stones: The Staff & The Sword.
             
           Set in an almost middle age’s world, A Cast of Stones is a book that gets off to a quick start with action, adventure, and examination of life.  This is the first book in a series that Patrick Carr is offering, and it seems to be a story that will excite and enthrall. The story begins with a young man by the name of Errol who sets out on what seems to be a simple task, and one that he has done many times, but that quickly takes twists and turns that young Errol could not expect.
            
           As the story progresses many changes begin to happen to Errol as his identity and character are challenged, and he must either stay who he is, or become who he was destined to be while being confronted with insurmountable odds.  Throughout this story Errol is challenged with a pain that he had spent year suppressing through drink.  Errol is not only haunted by these great pains, but also sought after by enemies whom he does not know, and thrown apparently off track by events outside of his control.
            
           Patrick Carr did more than just write intriguing fiction with Cast of Stones, instead he also offers character lessons and moral challenges.  In its pages Carr creates a mirror for self-examination.  It is for this reason that I give this book five stars for interest, intent, and intrigue.  If you love fantasy and adventure, then Cast of Stones: The Staff & The Sword is a book worth reading.

Disclosure of Material Connection: I received this book free from Bethany House as part of their Blogger Review Program. I was not required to write a positive review. The opinions I have expressed are my own. I am disclosing this in accordance with the Federal Trade Commision’s 16 CFR, Part 255: “Guides Concerning the Use of Endorsements and Testimonials in Advertising.”

Thursday, March 28, 2013

The Apologies of Paul in Acts

     As most of you will know I have been attending Liberty University through their on-line program for almost a year now as I work on completing my Bachelor of Science in Religion with a focus on Apologetics and Theology.  This is a research paper I wrote for a class this last sub-term looking over four of the Apologies of Paul.  This will be by far one of the longest blog posts, but one I hope will benefit and bless you.



Both the Gospel according to Luke and Acts were written by Luke to provide an absolute assurance to Theophilus on the “exact truth” (Luke 1:4, New American Standard) in relation to that which he had been taught in his faith in Jesus Christ.  In Acts there is a narrative provided of how the truth of Jesus Christ was being taught and spreading throughout “Jerusalem, in all Judea and Samaria, and even to the remotest part of the earth” (Acts 1:8). In the last quarter of his narrative Luke separates from the spread of Christianity to primarily focus on the accusations brought against Paul and his defenses. The sudden shift of Luke from the historical narrative to the apologies of Paul is to provide Theophilus with not only the historical truth, but also an applicable truth in the defense of the faith in “an atmosphere of hostility, contention, and debate”[1].

In Acts 21 through the end of Acts there are “six defenses”[2] that Paul offers in regards to the faith that he had been proclaiming since his conversion.  These defenses, or apologies [a transliteration of the Greek term used by Paul in Acts 22:1 “hear the defense that I now make before you” (English Standard Version)] are shared before different groups, the Jewish Crowd who apprehended him at the Temple; the Sanhedrin; Felix; Festus; Festus with King Agrippa and Bernice; and finally before the Jews in Rome.  For the sake of time and size of the paper the focus that will be drawn upon is the focus on three of these apologies in which there appears to be a greater focus on the speeches of Paul.  These defenses will be the apologies before the Jewish Crowd; Felix; and Festus, King Agrippa, and Bernice.

The first question that must be answered to fully get into the greatness of these apologies, and why Luke took so much time to focus on these is to understand the charges that were brought against Paul which lead to the legal need for him even to provide a defense.  Paul had just returned to Jerusalem for the feast of Pentecost with the intention of providing an offering that had been taken among the Gentile Churches for the sake of the Church of Jerusalem.  Luke does not address the attitude of the elders of Jerusalem in regards to how they received the offering, but he does address that they “glorified God” (Acts 21:20) when they received the report from Paul as to the response of the Gentiles to the Gospel of Jesus.

However, it was also prudent for the elders to share a concern that had come to their attention.  The great enemies of the Gospel, the Judaizers, had been spreading reports throughout the Jews, both saved and unsaved, about how Paul had become apostate, and an enemy of the Law, the Jewish people, and the Temple.  Although there was no proof to these egregious claims, they were so persistent in their message[3] that many of the Jews who were in Jerusalem were susceptible, and the elders wanted to attempt to prevent any issues in their ministry inside of Jerusalem[4].  There is some debate amongst scholars as to whether the course of action dictated to Paul, to partake in a purification ceremony and to pay for the offerings of the four men who had taken the vow of the Nazirite, was Spirit lead or not.  This is not the focus of this paper, but to not mention it would be deft of any student of Scripture.  Many theologians today hold to a few that this was well fitting in with Paul’s own admonition in Romans 14, 15, and in 1 Corinthians 9:19-23.  The author of this paper tends to favor this same conclusion.

In Acts 21:27-36 Paul is in the temple honoring his sacrifice when some Judaizers recognize him, and cause a great commotion in the Temple.  They do this by creating a great riot laying against Paul two charges.  First, he is the one who teaches people against the Jews, the Law, and the Temple.  The second charge is that he had brought Greeks into the Temple, and therefore defiled it (Acts 21:28).  The crowd is immediately incensed by the charge, and they rise up and drag Paul out of the inner court with the intent of killing him (vv. 30-31).  At that time the Romans who are close by here of the commotion, and quickly come taking custody of Paul.
            
                  Now that the charges have been presented the focus of this paper will turn upon the defenses of Paul. The first apology to be examined is Paul’s apology before the Jewish crowd.
             
                 Acts 22:1-21 is the very first defense that Paul offers against the charges levied against him.  A few important aspects of this apology that jump out is; first, Paul does not provide a direct response against the charges; secondly, Paul choses to address his accusers in the Aramaic dialect.  This apology of Paul starts off in a biographical approach to Paul’s defense.  There are three approaches to Paul’s apology in this passage which will be looked at individually.
            
                  First, Paul identified with the people.  F.F. Bruce speaks about Paul’s “first attempt at conciliation was his speaking Aramaic.”[5]  The Jews present at this time were Jews throughout the Roman Empire, and therefore Paul could of addressed the people in the language of the empire, Greek, yet he specifically chose to address them in the language of their culture.  This is important because it again shows Paul consistent in his philosophy of being a Jew to the Jews in Romans 9.
             
                   In his commentary on Acts, Steven Ger points out the fact that Paul used this, as well as his term of affection “brothers and fathers” (Acts 22:1) in order to refute the charge that he was “an apostate Jew” but instead demonstrate that he was an obedient Jew.[6]  Ger, John MacArthur Jr., and Darrell Bock all point out the fact that not only does Paul identify himself first and foremost as a Jew, but goes on to explain that along with his exceptional education at the “feet of Gamaliel” (Acts 22:3) but like the people he had great “zeal for God” (Acts 22:3).  Darrell Bock points out though that Paul recognized that his zeal for God was not according to knowledge.[7]  Having been trained as a Pharisee Paul would have been very knowledgeable of both the Law and the Prophets, yet before his conversion Paul could not see or accept how Christ had been the very fulfillment of the Scriptures that he knew so well.  In his zeal Paul sought out to either imprison or to force those who claimed to be members of “the Way” to recant and blaspheme.  This hatred for this new sect led Paul to seek out those who had forsaken Judaism far outside of the confines of Judea.  In part, as John MacArthur points out, Paul’s own zeal far overshadowed those who brought accusations against him now.[8]   As such there was no one present who could realistically challenge his love for God and the law.[9]
             
               The second aspect of Paul’s first apology is related to his calling.[10]  Paul informs the crowd about how in the course of his assignment from the religious leadership of Jerusalem, Paul was confronted by a surprising reality; “Jesus the Nazarene” (Acts 22:8).  John MacArthur explains this confrontation with Jesus as such: “The One whom he had despised and rejected as a charlatan, a blasphemer, and a false Messiah was in fact the Lord of glory.”[11]  It is possible that the Jews could have simply dismissed this claim, but there was one problem.  What Paul was describing was very simply historical fact[12], and Paul had some witnesses.  The men who had accompanied him to Damascus could attest to the very things that Paul described; a blinding light and a voice.[13]  More than just this, the calling that Paul had received on the road to Damascus was confirmed through a healing he received in which God used a man of great piety and respect of the Jewish community in Damascus to bring about in Paul’s own life.[14]  Ananias not only was the tool God used, but also the voice that God used to confirm Paul’s ministry.[15]  Bruce explains how Paul ultimately became a follower of Christ because the circumstances left him no additional options.[16]
             
               Paul’s final point he makes to the Jewish crowd is related to the fact that he was commissioned by God to be a “witness to the nations”.[17]  However, even in his commission Paul’s heart is always first towards the Jews.  After three years in Nabataean Arabia Paul came back to Jerusalem[18] and preached Jesus Christ Messiah, the great persecutor became the great preacher.  So great was Paul’s heart for the people of Israel that even after an assassination plot was discovered, it took the word of Christ to persuade him to leave.[19]
            
              In his first defense Paul clearly demonstrated that he was not anti-Jewish[20] as the crowd claimed.  G.R. Perry says this about the defense of Paul: “Luke’s mature characterization of Paul clearly rejects the charge of infidelity to the Law and confirms the scriptural legitimacy of Paul’s mission.”[21]  In his defense Paul tried to focus on how by being a follower of “the Way” but even a more legitimate follower of God whose new zeal for God “was rooted in revelation and knowledge”.[22]  In this defense Paul’s focus was on his heart for the Jewish people.
             
               The second apology that will now be looked at is Paul’s apology before Felix in Caesarea found in Acts 24:1-21.  This particular defense of Paul is different from the first one addressed as it is not biographical, but as Bruce points out: “the most directly forensic of his speeches”.[23] In this speech Paul will directly counter the individual charges leveled against him by the Jewish leadership.
             
              In Acts 24:1 there is an introduction to a new player on the field, an attorney Tertullus. Tertullus was a paid orator.  MacArthur notes that often Jews would hire someone who understood Roman law and proceedings to represent them in Roman courts.[24] Clarkson however points out that there must have been great agitation on the side of the Jews that they even had to appeal to a Roman judge to get their own countryman returned to their jurisdiction.[25]  The Jews were angry and were not seeking justice, but condemnation.
            
              Upon the beginning of the proceedings Tertullus laid out three accusations against Paul. Ger provides a great explanation of the charges.  Paul was stirring up sedition throughout the Roman Empire, the ringleader of the sect of the “Nazarenes”, and finally that he had defiled the temple.[26] Bock points out that the charge of Paul being the ringleader of the Nazarenes was more political in nature then the charge originally Acts 21:28, and it is “framed in a way that connects this case with Felix’s chief area of responsibility, keeping the peace”.[27]
             
               Acts 24:10 begins Paul powerful apology as they related to the charges that were laid against him.  First Paul addressed the issue of sedition by providing a few details of his trip to Jerusalem.  First, he was only in Jerusalem for a very short time.  There is debate among scholars as to how it was determined that Paul had only been in Jerusalem for twelve days.  Of the details that are known Paul was at least five days in Caesarea locked up and therefore unable to cause any kind of riot or sedition in Jerusalem.[28]  MacArthur also points out the fact that the other days prior to Paul’s arrest were spent in the purification process.[29]  Ger points out that in reality Paul was also attempting to keep a low profile per the request of the elders of Jerusalem, and so there was no evidence that anywhere in Jerusalem was he caught trying to spread derision.[30]
             
          Additional to the lack of support[31] that could be offered for the claim Paul was seeking to cause sedition, is the fact that he testified before Felix that he had come on a mercy of mission to Jerusalem[32].  Far from wanting to cause declension in Jerusalem Paul “was supportive of Judaism and the nation of Israel” and sought to foster unity in honor of the “contribution Jerusalem has made to the Gentiles’ faith”[33] and was bringing an offering that he had received from the various Gentile Churches in support of Jerusalem.  This will be also discussed in the third aspect of his defense.
            
           Regarding the charge that Paul was a “ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes” (Acts 24:5) Paul does profess that he is a follower of “the Way”; however, this is not an acceptance of guilt, but just a general confirmation of his faith[34].  First, by identifying Paul as a member of this sect Tertullus basically showed that this was still a part of Judaism.  Due to the Pax Roma that was in effect in Rome, Judaism was a legal religion in the Roman Empire.  This charge of Paul being the ring leader of the sect of the Nazarenes as well as his alleged defilement of the temple are religious in nature, and as such were outside of the jurisdiction of the Roman Empire.[35]  In verses 14-16 Paul makes the case that the sect is actually a more orthodox faith then even his accusers hold to.  The biggest contention is the fact that Paul does not just believe in the resurrection of the dead, both the “just and unjust” (Acts 24:15) as do the people who are bringing this religious charge against him, but that he believes the Jesus Christ was raised from the dead.  Trites explains that in this discussion Luke is demonstrating that Christianity is not a “religio illicita” (an illegal religion).[36]  More than that, as Ger points out: Paul “presented Christianity as the truest representation of Judaism.”[37]  Moreover, as Paul continues to offer his apology he stresses the fact that because of the religious view he holds to, he attempts to “maintain always a blameless conscience both before God and before men” (Acts 24:16, N.A.S.B); therefore, his “orthodoxy impacts his life”.[38]
             
             In his response to the accusation of him “defiling the Temple”, Paul again stresses that he came to Jerusalem not to stir up controversy or sedition, but instead to honor his people with a gift that had been received from the various Gentile Churches.   In verse 18 Paul stresses that the charges that were brought against him were not based off of any kind of uproar in the temple in which he was the cause, but instead that other Jews caused the commotion and Paul was simply about his religious practices as an orthodox Jew.  Barker in his homily in the Pulpit Commentary points out that Paul “had not been the originator of any disturbance.”[39]
             
              Paul continues in his apology by making another point “there were certain Jews from Asia” (Acts 24:18).  In verse 18 and 19 one can hear that Paul almost seems to indicate that it was these Jews who caused the commotion in the temple; however, he holds that comment in check, and instead choses to focus on the fact that these Jews who had originally brought the charges against him were not now present before Felix.  Ger argues that Paul is therefore making the point that the entire proceeding was an “abuse of Rome’s time and energy.”[40] Although there is certainly validity to this claim, Bock paraphrases Sherwin-White who makes a very clear statement regarding the lack of the accusers being present at the hearing: “the Romans thought little of people who abandoned their legal charges.”[41]  Perry explains the brilliance of Paul’s defense the best when he wrote: “Paul’s solitary and rhetorically adept refutation of their charges exposes the weakness of their case.”[42]
             
               The third and final apology that will be discussed in this paper is Paul’s appearance before Festus, King Agrippa, and Bernice in Acts 26.  This particular apology is very unique due to the very evident evangelical purpose of this apology.  John MacArthur makes the point that Paul sought to not necessarily defend himself of the charges, but instead to convert Agrippa.[43]
             
               Paul has now been in Caesarea for over two years as he was kept their under Felix, and not released when Felix was transferred to Rome, and therefore Paul’s case was brought by the Jewish leadership before Festus.  Festus had attempted to transfer Paul to Jerusalem (Acts 25:9).  After Paul’s defense before the Jewish Crowd and the Sanhedrin Christ had appeared to him and told him that he was also going to be a witness in Rome (Acts 23:11); therefore, Paul exercised his right as a Roman citizen and appealed to Caesar.  This appeal did put Festus into a quandary as he knew that he had no charges to send on to Caesar.  Taking advantage of a visit from Agrippa and Bernice, Festus decided to have Agrippa offer some insight, as one knowledgeable of Jewish law to help him compose his letter to Caesar.
             
              Paul’s defense before Agrippa can be again broke down into three key segments. Like his defense before the Jewish Crows Paul begins this apology with a biographical introduction[44] (Acts 26:2-11).  In verse 4 Paul first makes the point that all the Jews of Jerusalem knew of his upbringing and dedication to the law.  Paul was raised up in Jerusalem as a “pious Pharisee”[45] and later was the “chief persecutor of the Christian faith.”[46]  More than that however, Paul was still living as a Jew who had come to realize the hope of the promise made by God found in Jesus Christ the Messiah.  As Bruce points out, Paul’s preaching indeed focuses on the promises given to the nation of Israel through Moses and the Prophets.[47]
             
              In verses 12-15 Paul begins his second segment of his defense, his confrontation by Christ on the road to Damascus.  In his zeal and desire for the purification of Judaism Paul had set out not only in Jerusalem but also in “foreign cities”[48] Paul set out to bring any of the blasphemous members of Christianity to Jerusalem to face charges.  Again MacArthur stresses the fact that Paul is confronted by the Jesus Christ, whom he had considered a false Messiah.[49] 
             
              Paul uses his conversion account to flow into his third and final segment of his presentation before Agrippa, his commission and his obedience to this commission.  In his commission there was a key aspect that Paul was to present to Jews and Gentiles alike, repent and turn to God[50] (Acts 26:20).  It was this message that Paul then delivered, and it was this message that Paul delivered now.  In verse 24 Paul’s apology is interrupted by Festus, but Paul does not lose focus.  He turns to Agrippa and asks a powerful question, in which he then answers for him: “Do you believe the prophets” (Acts 26:27). 
              
               In this paper there have been three apologies of Paul that have been carefully examined and explained.  Each of the apologies was unique in perspective.  Paul’s defense before the Jewish Crowd was biographical in nature, attempting to show that Christianity was not contrary to Judaism, but a more complete understanding of the Law and the Prophets.  In his apology before Felix, Paul is more direct, and willing to deal directly with the charges laid against him by the Jewish leadership.  However, again Paul demonstrates that his belief was a natural conclusion based on an understanding of the Law and the Prophets.  Finally in his defense before Agrippa, Paul did not seek so much to defend himself from the charges, although he did address them; but instead Paul sought to show clearly to the audience the need for repentance and turning to God as based off an understanding again of the Law and the Prophets.
             
               In conclusion, Luke turned to these defenses of Paul to provide Theophilus with a firm foundation of the faith that he had come to believe (Luke 1:4).  Perry explains how through “Paul’s proclamation, practice, and mission” Theophilus would be able to see that they “were contiguous with “the Law and the Prophets and authorized by Israel’s Messiah.”[51] Theophilus lived at a time when “the Messiahship and Lordship of Jesus” were in dispute, and Luke sought to “demonstrate these claims ‘by many convincing proofs.’”[52]  For the believer today, these apologies provide a framework as we engage a post-modern culture that also has great “hostility, contention, and debate”[53] towards any claim of Jesus Christ as God and the only way to eternal salvation.



Works Cited

Barker, P. C. "Homilies by Various Authors." In The Acts of the Apostles Vol. II, edited by H. D. M. Spence and Joseph S. Exell, 202-3. The Pulpit Commentary 18. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1978.


Bock, Darrell L. Acts. Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007.


Bruce, F. F. "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts." Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69, no. 2 (01/01/1987): 379-93.


Clarkson, W. "Homilies by Various Authors." In The Acts of the Apostles Vol. II, edited by H. D. M. Spence and Joseph S. Exell, 198. The Pulpit Commentary 18. Reprint, Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1978.


Ger, Steven. The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World. Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series. Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004.


MacArthur, John Jr. Acts 13-28. The MacArthur New Testament Commentary. Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996.


Perry, Gregory R. "Paul in Acts and the Law in the Prophets." Horizons in Biblical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 2009): 160-77. doi:10.1163/019590809X12553238843140 (accessed March 05, 2013).


Trites, Allison A. "The Importance of Legal Scenes and Language in the Book of Acts." Novum Testamentum 16, no. 4 (October 1974): 278-`284. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1560223(accessed March 01, 2013).


[1] Allison A. Trites, "The Importance of Legal Scenes and Language in the Book of Acts,"Novum Testamentum 16, no. 4 (October 1974): 278, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1560223(accessed March 01, 2013).
[2] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 258.
[3] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 250.
[4] Ibid, 251.
[5] F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69, no. 2 (01/01/1987): 381.
[6] Steven Ger, The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World, Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series (Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004), 277.
[7] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 660.
[8] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 265.
[9] Ibid, 266.
[10] Ibid, 266.
[11] Ibid, 267
[12] Steven Ger, The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World, Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series (Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004), 277.
[13] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 267.
[14] W. Clarkson, “Homilies by Various Authors,” in The Acts of the Apostles Vol. II, ed. H. D. M. Spence and Joseph S. Exell, The Pulpit Commentary 18 (repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1978), 198.
[15] Ibid, 198.
[16] F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69, no. 2 (01/01/1987): 382.
[17] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 659.
[18] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 269.
[19]Ibid, 270.
[20] Ibid, 264
[21] Gregory R. Perry “Paul in Acts and the Law in the Prophets,” Horizons in Biblical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 2009): 176, doi:10.1163/019590809X12553238843140 (accessed March 05, 2013).
[22] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 663.
[23]  F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69, no. 2 (01/01/1987): 382.
[24] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 303.
[25] W. Clarkson, “Homilies by Various Authors,” in The Acts of the Apostles Vol. II, ed. H. D. M. Spence and Joseph S. Exell, The Pulpit Commentary 18 (repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1978), 236.
[26] Steven Ger, The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World, Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series (Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004), 288.
[27] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 690.
[28] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 306.
[29] Ibid, 306.
[30] Steven Ger, The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World, Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series (Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004), 288.
[31] Ibid, 288.
[32] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 308.
[33] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 693.
[34] Ibid, 692.
[35] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 307.
[36] Allison A. Trites, "The Importance of Legal Scenes and Language in the Book of Acts,"Novum Testamentum 16, no. 4 (October 1974): 283, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1560223(accessed March 01, 2013).
[37] Steven Ger, The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World, Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series (Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004), 289.
[38] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 307.
[39] P. C. Barker, "Homilies by Various Authors," in The Acts of the Apostles Vol. II, ed. H. D. M. Spence and Joseph S. Exell, The Pulpit Commentary 18 (repr., Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1978), 242.
[40] Steven Ger, The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World, Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series (Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004), 289.
[41] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 694.
[42] Gregory R. Perry “Paul in Acts and the Law in the Prophets,” Horizons in Biblical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 2009): 176, doi:10.1163/019590809X12553238843140 (accessed March 05, 2013).
[43] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 332.
[44] Steven Ger, The Book of Acts: Witnesses to the World, Twenty-First Century Biblical Commentary Series (Chattanooga, Tenn.: AMG Publishers, 2004), 294.
[45] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 714.
[46] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 333.
[47] [47]  F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69, no. 2 (01/01/1987): 388.
[48] John MacArthur Jr., Acts 13-28, The MacArthur New Testament Commentary (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 1996), 334.
[49] Ibid, 335.
[50] Darrell L. Bock, Acts, Baker Exegetical Commentary On The New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2007), 719.
[51] [51] Gregory R. Perry “Paul in Acts and the Law in the Prophets,” Horizons in Biblical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 2009): 177, doi:10.1163/019590809X12553238843140 (accessed March 05, 2013).
[52] Allison A. Trites, "The Importance of Legal Scenes and Language in the Book of Acts,"Novum Testamentum 16, no. 4 (October 1974): 284, http://www.jstor.org/stable/1560223(accessed March 01, 2013).
[53] Ibid, 278.